FIG PUBLICATION NO. 24Women’s Access to Land – FIG GuidelinesPrinciples for Equitable Gender Inclusion in Land
Administration:
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According to the Second United Nations Conference on Human Settlements (Habitat II), it is the city that is attracting investment as well as people, and this trend will continue to accelerate in the future. Friedmann estimates that in a worldwide scale 30-40 percent of urban populations are female-maintained. That number can be expected to be larger in many developing countries where more people may comprise "a household. Yet, how many housing and urban development projects are targeted to the specific needs of women and their dependents?
The 1996 World Food Summit held in Rome pointed out that if we are to meet the basic food needs of the projected world population as well as eradicate hunger afflicting an estimated 800 million food-deficit people, we must have more and better food production and distribution. Recent work by UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) has found that indeed it is not uncommon to find that de facto female headed households form a substantial proportion (25 percent or more, and sometimes a majority) of the total rural households in certain rural areas. Although the percentage of women engaged in agricultural activities varies from community to community, it is estimated that it can be as high as 90 percent in some areas. Globally women comprise 40 percent or more of the agricultural workforce. It has been long acknowledged that providing food for the family is primarily the responsibility of women. Yet women’s direct access to land resources, credit, and shelter can be put at risk in programmes such as land titling, formalization of property rights, and even housing or road improvements.
The need for a revised land tenure policy framework that explicitly addresses women’s access to land is also underscored by the Women’s Summit findings that in most of today’s societies women have very unequal access to, and control over land, housing associated resources, and basic infrastructure. Surveyors and other land professionals, who help to establish how land rights are allocated, adjudicated, and protected, need to be more aware that gender inclusive land policies and land institutions are critical. A first step in this direction is understanding the complexities behind a simple term such as "access to land".
If there is a common variable in all the information accumulated, it is the complexity of the issues involved. We cannot recommend a general outline that will fit all circumstances in the international development field. The intention here is to raise awareness of some of the most critical issues that threaten women’s access to benefits from land and emphasize the importance of developing a better understanding of the situation for urban and rural women in specific societies.
We begin with a working definition of what access to land and security of title mean to women and men and their importance in rural and urban settings. How recent changes have been affecting the relationship between women and land are examined together with what are (and can be) the outcomes with and without appropriate actions. A summary of key indicators that can be used by surveyors, project managers, and others to evaluate and monitor women’s access to land is presented in Part 5. The report then outlines recommended guidelines for land administration projects, first from the perspective of national and international organizations. More detailed principles are then presented to the surveying community for discussion and improvement within the FIG.
Throughout history, land has been recognized as a primary source of wealth, social status, and power. It is the basis for shelter, food, and economic activities; it is the most significant provider of employment opportunities in rural areas and is an increasingly scarce resource in urban areas. Access to water and other resources, as well as to basic services such as sanitation and electricity, is often conditioned by access to and holding rights in a unit of land. The willingness and ability to make long term investments in housing and in arable land is directly dependent on the protection society affords the rights holders. Thus, any concept of sustainable development relies heavily on both access to property rights and the security of those rights.
Land also has great cultural, religious, and legal significance. There is a strong correlation in many societies between decision-making powers and the quantity and quality of land rights one holds. In rural areas social inclusion or exclusion often depend solely on the individual’s land holding status. Even in urban areas, the right to participate in municipal planning, in community decisions, and sometimes elections, can depend on the status of an individual as a "resident" or "home owner".
Access is the right or opportunity to use, manage, or control land and its resources. It includes the ability to reach and make use of the resource. When describing access to land, we can distinguish between quantitative parameters (such as the nature of tenure, the size of the parcel and its economic value) and qualitative parameters (for example, legal security, and documented, or registered evidence of rights to land). These parameters play an important role in "measuring" access to land before, during and after development projects.
In societies following customary rules, women’s direct access to land through purchase or inheritance is often limited. Since women are the major producers of household food supply there are usually customary provisions for indirect access to land in terms of use rights as community members, wives, mothers, sisters, or daughters. These use rights, however, do not grant enough security for women when traditional family structures dissolve. The economic and social well-being of women and their children are at increased risk when women face widowhood and divorce, or when the male head of household does not or cannot exercise his traditional responsibilities to his family.
In many communities, access to resources is governed by both written and customary laws. In instances when conflicts exist between traditional norms and national laws, as is often the case when women’s rights are considered, local norms generally prevail and are enforced by community members. Written national laws granting women equal access to productive resources are essential but for these rights to be legitimate and adhered to, it is necessary to secure the support of the local community. Thus "having a law" does not necessarily mean that women have equitable recourse to remedies should the law be broken.
Equitable access to land does not only mean the quantity of rights allocated. To make use of the rights and opportunities, access to land must also be enforceable or secure (for example, against seizure by force or by law). Equitable access must also be effective, i.e., by including equitable access to other resources such as irrigation, roads or finance. The support of legal, customary and family institutions are fundamental if women’s access to land is to be preserved and improved.
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Figure 1. Institutions that Affect Women’s Access to Land and Housing Rights
The body of evidence stressing that outcomes of land reform and land administration programmes and projects have different implications for men and women has grown significantly in recent years. Traditionally, the involvement of men in such programs was viewed as sufficient and it was assumed that women and children would equally enjoy the benefits of the projects as dependents. As poverty and landlessness continues to expand and "feminization" of poverty becomes more apparent, development organizations and practitioners have had to seek a new direction to tackle these problems. Furthermore, as social, political and economical changes continue to undermine women’s ability to secure adequate housing, fulfill the food requirement of the household and use land in a sustainable manner, development projects have begun observing women’s priorities and concerns as separate issues.
The timeliness of this new vision is underscored by some experience from the past. As Rocheleau and Edmunds [1997] comment:
Women who enjoy access to a variety of tree, forest and rangeland resources across the rural landscape may find their access restricted after formal land titling or land tenure reforms have invested greater powers of exclusion in land owners, whether male or female. Even where formal title is given jointly to a husband and wife, a woman may lose decision-making authority over her former domains on and off farm as the household ‘heads’ take on the full and exclusive responsibility for the management of household land and all the plants and animals upon it. |
Another example is given by Lastarria-Cornhiel [1997].
Among the Mandinka (…) of Gambia both common and individual property rights are recognized: family-cleared land designated maruo collectively farmed by the family but under the control of the male household head; and individually cleared land designated kamanyango which if cleared by a woman gives her access to land with partial autonomy, controlling the profits and able to transfer land to daughters. In the late 1940s and early 1950s women sought to establish kamanyango rights of new rice lands by clearing former mangrove swamps. In 1984, the Jahaly Pacharr irrigation project, designed to increase productivity of the rice paddies by enabling year-round cultivation, recognizing that women were the key farmers on this land, sought to title the land to women. Household heads (generally male) registered the land in women’s names but then designated it as maruo land. |
The "Toolkit on Gender in Agriculture", prepared by the World Bank includes the following observation:
Land title and tenure tend to be vested in men, either by legal condition or by sociocultural norms. Land reform and resettlement have tended to reinforce this bias against tenure for women. Land shortage is common among women. Compared to men, women farm smaller and more dispersed plots and are less likely to hold title, secure tenure, or the same rights to use, improve or dispose of land. |
Researchers put women’s land ownership between 1 and 2 percent on a world-wide scale, while they report that women comprise 10-90 percent of the agricultural labour force. The percentage of population living in households that can be considered de facto or de jure female-headed household is on the rise. Women produce most of the household’s food supply and their contribution to the overall food production is also significant, exceeding 50 percent in African nations of the Sub-Saharan region.
The following subsections further demonstrate how difficult it can be to protect or enhance women’s access to land and its benefits.
In several African countries (e.g., Zimbabwe, Uganda, Malawi) there have been recent discussions and proposals to document or register customary rights in land as part of the development of national land policies. The arguments for these certificates of customary tenure and for registration are that the processes will:
Despite the merits or limitations of the processes, there could be significant impacts on women’s access to land. The major difficulty is the fact that such documentation effectively freezes customary rules that are in place at the time. No account is made, for example, of such future rights as the right of a woman to return home and receive a parcel of family land after a divorce. Limited rights such as the right to pick fruit or gather wood on another’s property may be eliminated by the documentation. And then there is the question of whose name(s) the certificates or registers will record. For example, will the name be the de facto head of household, who may be a woman whose husband works away from home, or the de jure head of household according to customary law; there are limitations with both of these approaches, including the problem of whether the documents have priority over customary law in cases of inheritance when both names are recorded.
Traditional laws and religious laws often protected women and provided for wives, widows, and female children through other means than, for instance, equal land shares on inheritance. In Islamic law, for example, girls may receive 1/2 the land that sons receive on the death of their father. This is in effect their dowry to bring to a marriage. The sons on the other hand have the responsibility to provide for unmarried sisters and their mother and in theory require more land. Other cultures have had similar traditional laws.
The difficulty today is that traditional societies and religious based communities are not immune to the influence and social changes around them. Education of women and greater opportunities for employment and self-sufficiency are affecting many traditional communities. Divorce, desertion, and urban migration may also challenge the traditional safety nets. And the devastation of aids and war have fragmented the extended and traditional family arrangements. At the same time, in the midst of obvious need for changes, who has the right to demand they be made or to force another community to adopt its values? This certainly raises ethical dilemmas for the professional.
International aid organizations have been targeting women for special assistance for decades. More recently protection and enhancement of women’s rights to land has become a focus for some land reform projects. One of the difficulties is that these projects often enhance the value of the land. So, for example, women may have had parcels of marginal land in the community to raise personal crops. After a land development project, this land has received irrigation and a new road is built. The value of the land is thus enhanced. Will local authorities allow these women to maintain their land rights after the project is over? Experience in, for example, housing projects have shown that making improvements may lead to the loss of the right to use a house allocated to a woman on communally owned land.
The objective of this discussion is not to discourage action. Instead it was to demonstrate that making changes does not always result in the benefits originally intended. The situation is complex.
An FAO study identified the following factors as the major causes of poverty and hunger among rural women and their families:
There are many new pressures affecting traditional arrangements related to women and land that need to be understood and resolved at the family, community, and national levels. To summarise, some of the greatest pressures include:
Kalabamu and Njoh express concern over the constraints urban women face in their attempt to secure acceptable housing. Among the primary impediments are:
Certificates of Rights (CORs) were introduced [in Botswana] … to ‘provide the urban poor with secure [land tenure while avoiding involvement in the complexities and costs of title registration’. …Under the COR, the state retains the ultimate title ownership (…) while plot-holder rights are usufruct for the sole purpose of erecting an owner-occupied residential house. … Because of their relative poverty, most women opted for land under Certificate of Rights. Because of their rights are not registerable, most women cannot mortgage their rights to obtain loans from financial institutions (…). Worst still, they may not legally sub-let part of their units to raise funds. Kalabamu [1998]. |
In the specific case of Cameroon, discouraging home-based enterprises through policies that strive to segregate land use activities has meant for example, that women dealing in ready-to eat food must travel long distances to organized market places or other activity centres such as those offering formal employment in order to market their products. Njoh [1998]. |
Having some measurement system for evaluating access to land is essential if the ‘success’ or ‘failure’ of a particular program, policy, or project is to be determined. There needs to be a set of indicators that can describe the situation before, during, and after something (e.g., a new law, a titling project) has occurred. Basically this is the same as a deformation survey of a dam – campaigns of measurements at discrete intervals of time to detect movement. The problem in measuring access to land is similar to the problem of determining which points on the dam are critical in detecting movement. These ‘points’ become indicators.
Measurement of access to land needs to involve both qualitative and quantitative parameters. Surveyors and other land administrators tend to think primarily of property rights to the surface of the land together with its fixed improvements. The focus becomes the quantity of rights (e.g., leasehold, freehold, easement), the size of the parcel of land, or its economic value. On the other hand, social anthropologists have tended to emphasize the uniqueness of land tenure systems within a given culture and focus on the nature or quality of the rights that may be involved. Both approaches are valid for certain purposes and both have their limitations. If, however, we are to design a way of measuring women’s access to land it may be important to draw on both approaches.
One way of examining the quantity of rights is to view the ‘bundle" of rights as a spectrum. At one end of the quantitative spectrum are temporary rights of use. At the other end is absolute control over what can be done with a particular resource, including who else can use the resource and for how long. Somewhere in the middle of the spectrum is the management of the resource where there is more limited decision making power (e.g., the ability to transfer rights and the opportunities to reap the direct and indirect profits from the resource). An English common law freehold estate then might be considered to be at the management level subject to the overall control of the state. A short term leasehold might be considered a temporary use right.
Examining the quality of the rights to determine indicators is more complex and only a few examples can be given here. One measure of quality is the legal security of the rights, i.e., how well do formal law (e.g., legislation) or informal law (e.g., traditional or local community rules) protect the ownership of the rights. Thus, for example, inheritance through entail or patrilineal inheritance rules may limit women’s right of management or control. Physical security is another indicator that may be affected, for example, by war or by custom in many countries where land is seized by the male relatives on death of a husband. A third example of quality of rights is transferability. Use rights may often be non-transferable because they are vested in a family or particular family members. Furthermore, transferability may be affected by the quality of the evidence of the right, such as an official document or register.
In assessing the quality and quantity of rights, the scope of potential rights of access must be broad. For this reason we have chosen the term "access to land and the benefits of land". Some of these direct and indirect benefits that should be considered in measuring access include:
The next step for project managers, policy makers and others who want to know more about the quantity and quality of access to land, is what specific indicators might be used? These will be important in pre-project assessments and in later monitoring and post-project evaluation. Again only a few samples can be given here.
In many land administration projects and programs the conventional approach has been to use documents of land rights or land registry records. This has the advantage of being straight forward and reasonable objective but the limitations are many. Even in western countries title documents and registers only record a limited set of rights and the situation is made more complex in customary societies and less-developed nations where either:
A second major indicator used to measure access to land is legislation, such as laws for inheritance, divorce, or land use. This however may also be misleading since the formal legislation may not reflect what actually is accepted as practice on the ground. One example are the divorce laws in some socialist states which may recognize equal division of property. How well a woman’s (or man’s) rights might be protected on divorce, especially in impoverished rural regions, will also depend on the degree of access to the courts, ability to finance litigation, and the degree of support provided by the family or community. Similarly calls for equal rights in constitutions can be quite meaningless in the actual practice of local communities.
Other indicators include physical occupation or proof of the actual exercise of the rights. Again this has some difficulties in that it may not agree with the formal (legal) status and it may be difficult to observe (especially in a short time span) all of rights in play. Related to these indicators are indicators such as: de facto head of household; primary food provider; community acceptance or agreement of someone’s rights; or the share of financial and labour inputs. Even more difficult to measure objectively and completely are factors such as social status and decision-making power.
Tables 1 and 2 present more comprehensive lists of indicators that point to areas when gender disaggregated information might be collected and analyzed.
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Table 1. Indicators for collecting gender disaggregated information - Legislation and community rules |
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Table 2. Indicators for collecting gender disaggregated information - Socio-economic objectives |
International aid organizations have been targeting women for special assistance for decades. The protection and enhancement of women’s rights to land receives more and more attention in contemporary land reform and privatization projects. In order to assure that project outcomes reflect the initial goals and do not have unintended negative impacts on women, the donor community should take on the following responsibilities:
The surveying community should not underestimate its role in allocating, adjudicating, protecting, and changing the way in which people hold rights to land. In the past the major impact was the size and shape of land parcels and the general pattern of the parcel fabric. Today, surveyors also have a role in land reform and promoting security of tenure in ensuring that the cadastral systems, laws, and procedures put in place during such reform do not adversely affect the rights of groups and individuals that the reforms were meant to benefit.
Learning more on how to approach the gender dimension of such programmes and projects and acquiring the tools necessary to address them are vital for securing a more equitable outcome. The following section discusses some of the measures that should be considered by practitioners working in development of human settlements in both rural and urban environments. The authors are aware that it may not be possible or practical to exhaust all of these measures during a project cycle. Also, collecting gender disaggregated data as well as general information on women and minorities often prove to be a serious challenge. Recently however, there has been a significant, although far from sufficient, increase in the number of sources offering applicable data and information.
Although the special focus of this report is on rural development, most recommendations are also applicable in urban development projects.
Providing secure and effective access to land for women can benefit families, communities, and nations through, for example:
However, these benefits can only be fully realised if the strategies adopted for improving women's access to land work in practice and if decision-makers and project teams are aware of those strategies that do and do not work. They need to know about the quality and distribution of rights in land, the economic and cultural impediments that limit women's effective and secure access to land, and the benefits that can be achieved by enhancing women's access. They also need to know what options for improving equitable access to land exist and be able to evaluate the full range of implications of these options.
Surveyors have an impact on land tenure systems worldwide. This implies that the profession also has a special responsibility to society. As the land tenure issues grow increasingly complex and become more diverse, the profession has a responsibility to know more about the issues and to do more to ensure that the systems for administering property rights serve all societies well.
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Women's Access to
Land - FIG Guidelines
Principles for Equitable Gender Inclusion in Land Administration:
Background Report and Guidelines
Published in English
Published by The International Federation of Surveyors (FIG)
ISBN: 87-90907-08-6, May 2001, Frederiksberg, Denmark
Printed copies can be ordered from:
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